In the parliamentary elections of June 7, 2026, women made up 37.4 percent of the total number of candidates. The legally required minimum threshold was met, but no party list had a woman in the number-one position. A report by the “Civic Youth Center,” which studied women’s political participation, examined various stages of the electoral process — from party lists and platforms to the campaign and election day itself.
The report’s author, Arpine Yeritsyan, president of the “Civic Youth Center” NGO, identifies three components: representation, visibility, and influence. In terms of numbers, women candidates were present in the electoral process, but their political role varied depending on the party’s campaign format and internal division of roles. In team-based campaigns, women candidates more often presented policy proposals. In leader-centered campaigns, their role was largely limited to that of a team member or supporter.
Young people made up 21.2 percent of candidates. They were active in community meetings, distributing campaign materials, organizing events, and especially in social media work. At the same time, young candidates cited a lack of public recognition, limited financial and organizational resources, and the dominant position of experienced politicians as the main constraints they faced.
Of 19 interviews conducted with voters, 31.6 percent said young people have real political influence. An equal share, 31.6 percent, said their role was mainly tied to organizational and support work. Another 36.8 percent assessed young people’s influence as partial.
Proposals concerning youth in parties’ pre-election platforms were more diverse. They mainly addressed education, professional training, employment, youth entrepreneurship, science, technology, and preventing emigration.
Provisions concerning women were most often focused on social protection, family, motherhood, healthcare, and employment. Specific mechanisms addressing women’s political participation, leadership, and influence on decision-making were less represented in the platforms.
During the campaign, the political participation of women and youth largely did not become a distinct topic in its own right. Issues concerning them were often folded into general social and economic platforms. The report did not record a systematic sexist campaign, though there were offensive and stereotypical comments on social media about women’s appearance, marital status, or gender.
A separate phase of monitoring was dedicated to election day. In six communities, 50 polling stations were studied, 109 observations were carried out, and 13 incidents were recorded. Some of these concerned the secrecy of the vote, attempts to influence voters, and the manner of communication at polling stations. In several cases, family members — mainly husbands — attempted to interfere with women’s voting by directing their choice, holding onto their identification documents, or approaching the voting booth. The report treats these as risks to voters’ independent decision-making and to the secrecy of the ballot.
The report recommends that upcoming local elections take these issues into account: strengthening the protection of voting secrecy, improving the practical preparedness of election commission members, and making communication with voters more respectful and inclusive. The study’s main conclusion is that the electoral participation of women and youth should also be assessed in terms of their political voice, their influence on decision-making, and their independent role — an approach that is especially relevant in the context of the upcoming local elections.
